CIA activities in the Philippines
While covert operation and sabotage for American gain may be more limited to date, the CIA demonstrated their ability to influence by engaging with the political powers in the Philippines.[10] As the amount of free trade between the U.S. and the Philippines increased, landowners began to favor the cultivation and exportation of cash crops to the USA such as tobacco and sugar cane over rice and cereals, which resulted in a reduced food supply for the peasants which would lead to other issues much later on relating to starvation.This state-of-the-art printing facility covertly serves as a propaganda plant, and it has the capabilities to manufacture large amounts of first-rate color magazines, posters, and pamphlets in at least 14 different Asian Languages.Relatedly, CIA operative David Sternberg fronted as a foreign correspondent for an American newspaper based in Boston, The Christian Science Monitor, when he assisted Gabriel Kaplan in managing the presidential campaign of Ramon Magsaysay.In 1947, two years after the surrender of Japan, the CIA released a country report on the Philippines that assessed the political and economic conditions of the newly independent nation.[24] They determined the ineptitude of then-President Quirino would lead to political upheaval rendering the Philippine police and military incapable at maintaining law and order in the country or stopping Hukbalahap raids in Luzon.[26] A declassified report from the CIA mentions that “in early 1950 the Huks numbered some 20,000 and were gaining support as a result of popular disillusion with the government and ill-disciplined armed forces”.[30] In 1954, in order to win more favor from the general populace, Magsaysay created the National Resettlement and Rehabilitation agency, which redistributed land to the peasants of the Philippines, as well as encouraging migration to the more rural areas of the country.As stated in a lecture at the University of the Philippines-Manila, Professor Roland G. Simbulan demonstrated that at this time the CIA was covertly sponsoring the Security Training Center on the outskirts of Manila as a, "countersubversion, counter-guerrilla and psychological warfare school."Through this organization, CIA funds were funneled into the National Citizens' Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL) community centers, the Philippine Action in Development, and through the Asia Foundation.The University of the Philippines, journals/news outlets, civic organizations, and most spaces of academia have received funding from the Asia Foundation to encourage US foreign and military policy.Community Planning Development Center requests for millions of dollars could generate possibilities for "projects such as feeder roads, pure water, irrigation, additional cooperatives, and warehousing facilities."[49] A subsequent memo disclosed that, although the Filipino public and government was unaware of the stored weapons, Marcos had secretly known about them, yet did not reveal their existence as it would have been disadvantageous in the upcoming elections.In the background of the whole Moro Crisis in July 1972 The Chinese Communist Government send a shipment of weapons to the Growing CPP-NPA but was seized by the Armed forces of the Philippines.The U.S. was hesitant to meet President Marcos' demands as revising the Military Base Agreement would require Congress to create a new treaty, which would have given "a higher profile to the negotiations" than desired.When continually turned down for meetings with the US, Mrs. Marcos saw an advantage to gain aid from primarily communist countries based on their natural resources that could potentially provide the Philippines.[4] On September 22, 1972, President Marcos declared martial law in the country under the pretext of protecting it from Communist threats due to the allegation on the CPP-NPA that they had attempted to kill Defense Minister Juan Pounce Enrile.Marcos had been debating several options to stay in power, such as delaying the elections or running a surrogate candidate, but he found imposing martial law to be the easiest path.The idea of crony capitalism centered around the fact that all major corporations and business interests in the Philippines were controlled by the Marcos family or his close friends and allies.The amendment addressed flights and transit as it pertained to Middle East oil security, aid package negotiations, and Philippine authority over customs, immigration, and quarantines.The United States needed the Philippines to be a stable democratic ally to prevent the spread of communism in Southeast Asia as well as to keep critical strategic military bases active.[77] A correspondence between Carl W. Ford Jr., the officer in charge of intelligence in East Asia, and the director of central intelligence, William J. Casey, indicated that the CIA considered attempting to influence the Philippine government: "at our last meeting you asked that I give more thought to the crucial issue of the Marcos Era drawing to a close, specifically, how the US might go about influencing Marcos to lay down the ground work for a smooth succession.The troubling nature of this document is revealed by the admittance that the six plans discussed “are not based on any preconceived notion or analysis of root causes of problems today confronting the Philippines.[79] After the assassination of Philippines senator Benigno Aquino Jr, the CIA began discretely manipulating Filipino leaders to promote US positive reformations, as well as offering $45 million a year for development assistance."[80] In the section titled "Implications for US Interests," the report concludes that "under these circumstances US efforts to prop up Marcos probably would be counterproductive in that the United States would be seen by most Filipinos as supporting an unpopular dictator.The CIA felt threatened by the anti-imperialist groups that emerged in the Philippines after Marcos left power and began advocating for funding various Filipino organizations in attempts to combat these progressive forces.Instead of acknowledging her attempt to promote a form of democracy in the post-Marcos Philippines, however, the document characterizes her as being overly concerned with her image, relying on personal politics, and as insecure ("not comfortable with her considerable authority").[84] In a 1987 memorandum from Carl W. Ford Jr. to the Senior Review Panel he writes, "Recent events in the Philippines--particularly the coup attempt of August 28, and its aftermath--have raised serious questions about the survival of the Aquino government and the prospects for democracy.[87] The document goes on to predict that the impending financial crisis, compounded with a decrease in the standard of living over the previous five years, agricultural difficulties, and unequal distribution of wealth, will lead to political instability, possibly affecting the CIA's interests in the region.The report details the effects of the population boom and projected population growth, reporting high unemployment rates, inflation, and poverty-related crime rates in the previous ten years, as well as reiterates the amount of foreign debt owed by the country, warning that "how Aquino deals with the debt issue" will have a significant impact on the financial well-being of the country.