[1] The three main bases used for the operation are: the Colombian city of Cúcuta,[2] the Brazilian state of Roraima,[3] (specifically Boa Vista and Pacaraima),[4] and the island of Curaçao, of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.Days later, in the act of swearing in of thousands of volunteers present in the parking lot of the headquarters of the newspaper El Nacional, Guaidó indicated that in "a few hours" some 600,000 Venezuelans had already registered; in addition, several guilds among them belonging to the transport and health sectors, demonstrated at the event to show their support for the movement.[28] Guaidó began to lead nationwide demonstrations in early February, demanding the entrance of humanitarian aid into Venezuela, with hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans protesting in support.[39][40] The administration of Nicolás Maduro deployed police officers at all land borders beginning on 5 February; in response, the United States threatened to send military personnel to Colombia and Brazil to protect those in charge of delivering the aid.[44] In parallel, the government of Nicolás Maduro blocked the Tienditas International Bridge with cargo containers, already closed since its completion in 2016,[45] which connects Cúcuta and the Venezuelan municipality of Ureña.[46] The next day, as the Colombian government transported cargo to Cúcuta, a group of Venezuelan refugees met them with support signs with the phrase "Ayuda humanitaria ya" ("Humanitarian aid now").[47] As the first trucks with aid, escorted by Colombian police, approached the blocked bridge on 7 February, human rights activists received them, and Venezuela's communications minister, Jorge Rodriguez said there was a plot between Colombia, the CIA and exiled Venezuelan politician Julio Borges to oust Maduro.[54] Venezuelan deputy and medic José Manuel Olivares dismissed her claims, clarifying that "the aid has quality control and sanitary registry of Colombia, Brazil and the United States.[59] A plane of the Brazilian Air Force carrying humanitarian aid to Venezuelans traveled to Boa Vista on 20 February, capital of the border state of Roraima providing 23 tons of powdered milk and 500 first-aid kits.[67] Groups of indigenous Pemon peoples blocked the entry of the military vehicles into the region,[68] and members of armed forces loyal to Maduro fired upon them with live ammunition on 22 February.[14][95] Aid volunteers formed a human chain and removed humanitarian packages from the burning trucks to prevent their destruction,[96] with a good portion of the supplies being saved and returned to Colombia.[106] Six vessels of the Bolivarian Navy of Venezuela, including the Mariscal Sucre-class frigate Almirante Brion and patrol boats, were deployed to prevent the entry of the aid shipment.[120] Responding when asked about the claims in a BBC interview, Juan Guaidó stressed that its findings suggested only a possible theory, that it was the newspaper's point of view and that a total of three trucks were burned, while the footage focused on one.[121] A group of around 30 Venezuelans protested outside The New York Times offices in United States, questioning the newspaper's "partiality" and criticized the moment of the publication which occurred while Venezuela suffered from a nationwide blackout.[122][123] Journalist Karla Salcedo Flores denounced state-run Telesur for plagiarism and the manipulation of her photos for propaganda purposes after the network claimed protesters poured gasoline on the trucks.[131] The Wall Street Journal said that the acceptance of humanitarian shipments by Maduro was his first acknowledgement that Venezuela is "suffering from an economic collapse", adding that "until a few days ago, the government maintained there was no crisis and it didn't need outside help".[140] The increased Red Cross aid would focus in four areas: the migration crisis, the health care system collapse, water and sanitation, and prisons and detention centers.[141] Relative to the amount of need, the initial supplies were expected to be little "more than a palliative measure", but National Assembly Deputy Miguel Pizarro viewed it as an encouraging sign that the Maduro administration would allow more aid to enter.[141] According to the Associated Press, having long denied that there was a humanitarian crisis in Venezuela, Maduro positioned the delivery "as a necessary measure to confront punishing U.S. economic sanctions"; having "rallied the international community", Guaidó "quickly claimed credit for the effort".[144] Member of the National Assembly, Lester Toledo announced in May that the NGO Rescate Venezuela and the Ayuda y Libertad coalition had already given medical aid and survival kits to about 10.000 Venezuelans in more than 20 states.[145] On 14 June, PanAm Post published an article reporting that representatives of Guaidó had misappropriated payments for the housing of Venezuelan military defectors that arrived at Colombia, allegedly using them for personal purchases.[146] Following the publication of the article, Guaidó's presidential office informed that the individuals accused of corruption were dismissed from their positions and requested the cooperation of the Colombian government, multilateral agencies and other organizations to clarify the events an impartial investigation.[148][149][150][151] Colombian Foreign Minister, Carlos Holmes Trujillo, condemned the reported act of corruption and urged the authorities to advance the investigations to determine if any wrongdoings occurred."[155] Carlos Holmes Trujillo, Colombia's foreign minister, said that blocking aid was a crime that "would give even more reason ... to ask the International Criminal Court to investigate Maduro".[155] The International Committee of the Red Cross "warned the United States about the risks of delivering humanitarian aid to Venezuela without the approval of security forces loyal to President Nicolas Maduro".[155] Having worked with local authorities inside Venezuela for a long time delivering relief,[161] in February 2019 the organization had talks with the Venezuelan Ministry of Health about increasing its budget.[162] On 16 April 2021, a report released by the Office of the Inspector General at the U.S. Agency for International Development concluded that the February deployment of aid responded in part to pressure Maduro rather than helping Venezuelans.