[2] With the support of Monsignor Bernardo Augusto, the Bishop of San José, who wrote a pastoral letter called "Fair Day for Laborers and Artisans," many Costa Ricans began to consider the wages and conditions of the country's workforce.Dictator Federico Tinoco Granados, working on behalf of the ruling families of Costa Rica, attempted to do away with the growing labor movement.When their demands were ignored, other unions joined their cause, including the public workers from the Pacific Railroad and the National Liquor Factory, as well as private typists, sailors, and others.Advocating for the rights of workers in study groups, ARCO was a direct predecessor to the Communist Party of Costa Rica, both of which frequently clashed with police during violent demonstrations.[3] Because of the previous repression, members of the Atlantic Workers Congress met in secret to sign documents demanding a minimum wage that would not be given in company coupons, six hour shifts, recognition of injury law, and generally improved working conditions.[3] Nonetheless, The Great Banana Strike was an important step that would eventually lead to the formation of effective Trade unions in Costa Rica since the company was required to sign a collective agreement with its workers in 1938.The experiences of the 1934 United Fruit Strike gave rise to the '40s Generation, a Costa Rican literary movement that emphasized social, economic, and labor reforms.[3] Like Volio, Bishop Victor Manuel Sanabria Martínez encouraged workers to organize for their betterment, also citing the Rights and Duties of Capital and Labor.[2] After the Civil War, the Asociación Nacional de Empleados Públicos (National Association of Public Employees) was founded to protect the interests of workers in the new government.[10] As a fiscal crisis took hold of the country,[11] in large part due to the Arias' austerity measures, private and public sector unions tried to regroup.[15] Specific instances include the 1994 Korean-owned Kokomerica case in which workers denounced union repression, unsanitary work conditions, non-payment of wages, and other issues to the Ministry of Labor.[15] Workers at another company located in SARET complained that their US owners created terrible working conditions, they contacted the Asociación Nacional de Empleados Públicos y Privados (National Association of Public and Private Employees).During the 2014 Costa Rican general election, labor unions overwhelmingly put their support behind Solís and other candidates from the Citizens' Action Party (PAC for its Spanish initials), like Marlene Madrigal Flores and Henry Mora Jiménez.Like union halls, the recreational complexes also organize dances, games, and sports tournaments, and members can use the facilities for private occasions, like weddings or parties.[25] In June 2014, the Supreme Court of Costa Rica agreed with SINTRAJAP, declaring that an environmental impact survey would need to be conducted before any construction began.[27] Chinchilla's Minister of Education, Leanardo Garnier, claimed that the reason for non-payment was a technical error caused by the implementation of a new system for depositing money into employees' bank accounts and that nothing could be done to pay them, something the unions rejected.[33] With the church, the unions came up with a proposal to have the Ministry of Education cancel the new system for depositing money into bank accounts and have all teachers register in order to receive their back-pay.
Banana workers in Limón between 1910 and 1920
Nearly all banana workers in Costa Rica are organized in unions
Campus of COLYPRO
Costa Rican agricultural unions demonstration, January 2011