In September 2020, during the insurgency in Cabo Delgado, IS-CAP shifted its strategy from raiding to actually occupying territory, and declared the Mozambican town of Mocímboa da Praia its capital.Following its seizure of much territory in Syria as well as Iraq, and its proclamation of a restored caliphate, the Islamic State (IS) became internationally well known and an attractive ally to Salafi jihadist Islamist extremist and terrorist groups around the world.[5] In October 2017, a video which showed a small number of militants in the Democratic Republic of the Congo who claimed to be members of the "City of Monotheism and Monotheists" (MTM) group was posted on pro-IS channels.The Long War Journal noted that though this pro-IS group in Congo appeared to be very small, its emergence had gained a notable amount of attention from IS sympathizers.[9] By mid-2018, the African Union claimed that Islamic State militants had infiltrated northern Mozambique, where the Islamist rebels of Ansar al-Sunna[a] had already waged an insurgency since 2017.[9][13] The first purported raids by IS's Central Africa Province targeted the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) at the village of Kamango and a military base at Bovata on 18 April; both localities are near Beni, close to the border with Uganda.[4] It remained unclear how many militants in the Congo had actually joined IS;[9] journalist Sunguta West regarded the declaration of the Central Africa Province as an attempt by a weakened IS "to boost its ego and project strength" after its defeats in Syria and Iraq.[9] Researcher Marcel Heritier Kapiteni generally doubted whether Islamic State followers had been involved in the attacks at all, arguing that IS-CAP might be no more than a propaganda tool in a "media war".[18] The Defense Post argued that it was impossible to judge whether the attack had been carried out by IS-CAP or another armed group due to the lack of information on the rebels in Mozambique.[10] In October 2019, IS-CAP carried out two ambushes against Mozambican security forces and allied Russian Wagner Group mercenaries in Cabo Delgado Province, reportedly killing 27 soldiers.[20] Accordingly, the Central Africa Province's main importance laid in its propaganda value and its future potential to grow through its connections with the well-established, well-known IS core group.[31] At this point, a "major faction" of the ADF had joined Baluku in becoming part of IS,[32] while a smaller splinter remained loyal to the ideals of ex-ADF leader Jamil Mukulu[33] and later adopted the name "Pan-Ugandan Liberation Initiative" (PULI).[34] The International Crisis Group contended that the rival factions had also split geographically, with some elements moving to the Rwenzori Mountains, while others had relocated into Ituri Province.Even though the rebels retreated from the settlement after the Mozambican security forces counter-attacked in early April, the battle left Palma mostly destroyed and a large number of civilians dead.The Long War Journal researchers Caleb Weiss and Ryan O'Farrell argued that this might hint at an attempt by IS-CAP to build a genuine local support base which the older ADF had traditionally lacked.[52] In October 2022, IS-CAP made headlines when militants attacked a Catholic mission in the village of Maboya, setting fire to infrastructure, including a hospital.However, neither IS-Central nor IS-CAP officially claimed the operation as their own; researcher Jacob Zenn concluded that the Islamic State's leadership probably "viewed the school massacre as beyond the pale even for IS, and harmful for IS's reputation globally" and thus wanted to avoid any direct associations.[52][59] The Congolese and Mozambican IS forces continued to maintain links after this split, but also began to "feud" with each other over the distribution of money and communications hierarchies within the IS global network.[47] Several other commanders of the Congolese branch were captured in late 2021 and early 2022, including Salim Mohammed (a Kenyan), Benjamin Kisokeranio, and Cheikh Banza Mudjaribu Zakaria Abah Adore (Bongela Chuma's brother).[62] In addition, the conquest of Mocímboa da Praia provided IS-CAP with steady revenue, as the group was able to tax the local trade in minerals and drugs; at the time, the city served as a major hub for narcotics smuggling.